By Michael Lewis
Michael Lewis is a grasp at dissecting the absurd: after skewering Wall highway in his nationwide bestseller Liar's Poker, he packed his strong pen and set out at the 1996 crusade trail. As he follows the boys who aspire to the Oval place of work, Lewis discovers an absurd mixture of bravery and backpedaling, heroic threat and mealy-mouthed sound bytes, and a procedure so ridiculous and unsavory that it leaves him pondering if all people involved—from the newshounds to the applicants to the folks who voted—isn't eventually a loser.
Pat Buchanan: turns into the 1st baby-kisser ever to settle on a black hat over a white one.
Phil Gramm: spends twenty million cash to persuade electorate of his monetary responsibility.
John McCain: makes the deadly mistake of really conversing his brain.
Alan Keyes: tests out of a brand new Hampshire resort and tells the chief one other candidate could be paying his bill.
Steve Forbes: refuses to respond to questions on his father's motorcycles.
Bob Dole: marches during the crusade with no ever seeming to care.
Losers is a wickedly humorous, unflinching examine how the United States relatively is going approximately determining a President.
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Extra info for Losers: The Road to Everyplace but the White House
NES. 1 is the politically relevant one, as even analyses that identify a considerable Democratic advantage in underlying identifications all concede that Democratic identifiers are less mobilized than Republican ones (Campbell, 2000). The mobilization differential evidently extends to availability for telephone interviews. 9 7 8 9 Party identification is captured by the root question in the standard NES sequence, the query about whether the respondent is a Democrat, a Republican, or an Independent.
1, the only such variable is the 1996 vote in the respondent’s state cast as the difference from the national two-party division). 2. This logit is converted into a probability of choosing the indicated candidate by taking the antilog. 3. 1 (implicitly, the coefficient is multiplied by one, in contrast to step 1, in which the coefficient is implicitly multiplied by zero). 4. This logit is converted into a probability, again by taking its antilog. 5. 1. 1 should be taken as illustrative more than authoritative.
Gore’s share among African Americans was close to 90 percent (over 90 percent at the end). 6 The union/nonunion gap was about as wide – seventeen points – but favoring the Democrats. The gender gap was modest, with males seven points more favorable than females to Bush; of course, the “groups” on each side of the gender gap are enormous. At first look, the Democrats have a more sharply defined base than the Republicans. The two pro-Democratic groups are more distinct than the two pro-Republican groups.