Land, Settlement, and Politics on Eighteenth-Century Prince by Bumsted

By Bumsted

In distinction to such a lot earlier works at the topic, this isn't a neighborhood or local historical past, yet a publication in colonial and/or imperial heritage which specializes in Prince Edward Island. This broader standpoint permits Bumsted to teach, for instance, that the choice to distribute land to owners used to be a understandable or even liberal flow through British executive within the context of the imperial growth of the 1760s. Bumsted demonstrates that the exterior impact of the yank Revolution is extra very important than were proposal, either in keeping apart the island from Britain and, during the dealing with of Loyalist immigrants, in exacerbating the conflicts over land possession. formerly, Prince Edward Island's the most important formative interval from 1763 to the top of the eighteenth century has now not acquired adequate awareness, whereas the proprietorial process has bought an excessive amount of awareness with out adequate severe research. Land, payment, and Politics on Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward isalnd redresses the balance.

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Extra resources for Land, Settlement, and Politics on Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island

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Thus Egmont's associates accounted for just over 40 per cent of the sixty-six lots allocated in 1767. 48 The stage was now set for its subsequent development and the ensuing controversies over land. The ultimate arrangements for the allocation of the Island of St John were, of course, the responsibility of the Board of Trade. But there was considerable overlap and personnel and detail between the board's scheme and the various proposals advanced by Egmont and 26 Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island his associates.

John MacDonald of Glenaladale purchased lot 36, generally regarded as one of the Island's choice properties, for £600 in 1770 from James Montgomery. "29 Many of the active proprietors would purchase their property from the original grantees, and there was considerable willingness on the part of many to fulfil their obligations. 30 Unfortunately, the colony's revenue did not depend upon some quitrent payments by some proprietors; its annual budget in fixed official salaries demanded the full payment of quitrents by every proprietor, and the government had made quite clear that while it might provide some capital grants, it was not responsible for the civil list.

The common and statute laws of Britain (except those relating to land tenure, game, and taxes) would be in force; the king's assent would be required for criminal executions (except those for mutiny) and for i8 Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island the appointment of officials, who would be removable by the king in council. In short, Egmont was asking for far less political autonomy for himself than had been given to earlier large proprietors such as William Penn — or was ultimately allowed to the government of the Island.

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