Agrarian Structure and Political Power: Landlord and Peasant by Huber/Safford

By Huber/Safford

The heritage of democracy in Latin the United States has been the topic of a lot scholarly observation. This quantity breaks new floor by way of systematically exploring the linkages one of the ancient legacies of enormous landholding styles, agrarian classification relatives, and authoritarian as opposed to democratic trajectories in Latin American nations. The essays handle questions on the significance of enormous landownders for the nationwide economic system, the exertions wishes and hard work family of those landowners, makes an attempt of landowners to enlist the aid of the nation to manage exertions, and the democratic sorts of rule within the 20th century.

“Represents a belated yet welcome try and relate Latin American to a well-recognized corpus of grand thought: that propounded by means of Barrington Moore in his influential Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. . . . The ebook is an efficient notion, good accomplished, and should be learn with interest—even via those that have little time for Barrington Moore specifically, or grand concept in general.”—Latin American Studies

“A thorough and rigorous textual content of the Moorean paradigm for Latin the United States. the following we have now an awfully beneficial and various set of essays at the ancient formation of Latin American political cultures and the significance of agrarian buildings therein.”—Nils Jacobsen

“This is a e-book that has been ready to be written for it slow. The participants comprise a few of the giants within the box [who] will encourage others to write down in this subject.”—Mitchell A. Seligson

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Extra resources for Agrarian Structure and Political Power: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of Latin America

Sample text

But in the remarkable oral histories being put together by Ximena Valdes and her coworkers, we are occasionally able to hear the voice of the historical actors themselves. Although these voices are, generally, women's, not men's and women's, and they apply to a later period-from the 1930s on-rural mentality in its fundamental sense still comes through. 13 Most people, even after radios and newspapers were common, lived with the conviction that nothing could be changed; many others believed that if things were bad, a change would only make them worse.

This does not mean, of course, that no intraclass differences arose among specific interest groups within the elite; in 1891 those even erupted into civil war. But it does mean that agrarian interests within the elite remained disproportionately prominent well into the twentieth century, and landowners themselves managed to exploit the votes of their subordinate workers while at the same time pressuring the state to keep political "agitators" and union organizers out of the countryside. 24 The landowners thus lacked authoritarian power; they had to compete politically in Chile's precocious but limited democracy.

Julio Menandier, the astute editor of the Boletin and a spokesman for the dynamic segment of agricultores progresistas, wrote that "inquilinaje is an institution sui generis and far from combatting it, landowners and legislators should make an effort to develop it on a larger scale. " 6 And so they did. During the subsequent decades, thousands of additional families were settled on the estates to augment the stable and conservative core of service tenants or inquilinos. Since it is difficult to isolate the various categories of rural inhabitants in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century statistics, four recent and valuable books on the subject Landlord and Campesino in the Chilean Road to Democracy 25 have somewhat different interpretations.

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